Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s national security doctrine

The Punjab Pulse Bureau Report

India’s defence journey has been a tale of two doctrines-one of denial, drift, and compromise under Congress, and another of decisive strength and strategic clarity under BJP rule. From Nehru’s naive idealism to Modi’s assertive realism, the transformation is not just political, it is national salvation in the realm of security

For much of post-Independence history, India’s defence policy suffered from strategic hesitation and systemic neglect. The Congress party, having ruled India for the longest span since 1947, repeatedly treated national security as an expendable variable, subordinated to misplaced idealism, diplomatic indulgence, and at times, outright corruption. From the Himalayan humiliation of 1962 under Nehru, to the debilitating Bofors scandal under Rajiv Gandhi, to the policy paralysis of the UPA decade, the Congress record on national defence is a ledger of missed opportunities and compromised priorities.

Jawaharlal Nehru’s utopian worldview, driven by Panchsheel and non-alignment, blinded India to the geopolitical reality of Chinese aggression. Despite clear warnings, the military was kept under-equipped and underprepared. The 1962 war was not lost due to lack of courage, but due to political negligence. The Chinese advance exposed a fatal flaw, India’s defence doctrine was built on moralistic assumptions rather than strategic assessment.

Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure, though infused with modernising rhetoric, witnessed one of India’s most corrosive defence scandals. The Bofors affair not only tarnished the integrity of procurement processes, but instilled a long-lasting fear of decision-making among bureaucrats and politicians. The result: an entire generation of artillery modernisation was frozen. The Indian Army continued to rely on outdated guns even into the early 2000s, with no meaningful replacements in sight.

The UPA years (2004–2014) were even more troubling. Despite an increasingly aggressive China and a perpetually hostile Pakistan, there was little urgency to build credible deterrence. Defence deals stagnated, border infrastructure remained underdeveloped, and terror incidents including the gruesome 26/11 attacks went unanswered by the state. The failure to retaliate after Mumbai was not restraint; it was abdication.

Worse, the procurement process was marred by blacklisting sprees and scandals. The AgustaWestland VVIP chopper scam further poisoned the atmosphere. The Rafale deal, crucial to upgrading India’s dwindling fighter squadrons, hung in limbo for nearly a decade. Political indecision translated into operational vulnerability.

Transformative Pillars of India’s Defence

This drift was decisively reversed with the advent of the BJP-led government in 2014. In both vision and execution, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s national security doctrine represented a clear break from the past. The shift was immediate and unmistakable.

In 2016, the Indian Army executed surgical strikes across the LoC-a calibrated, public response to the Uri terror attack. This was followed in 2019 by the Balakot air strikes deep inside Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, in response to the Pulwama attack. For the first time in decades, India demonstrated that it would retaliate beyond rhetoric.

On the policy front, defence procurement was de-bureaucratised. The long-delayed Rafale jets were acquired through direct government-to-government agreement with France. Emergency acquisitions during the Galwan Valley stand-off in 2020 ensured real-time readiness. Indigenous development received a robust push under the “Atmanirbhar Bharat” mission with major investments in the Tejas fighter jet, Dhanush artillery systems, and advanced naval platforms.

One of the most transformative pillars of India’s defence resurgence under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been the aggressive push for indigenous manufacturing through the Make in India initiative. The government has not only increased FDI limits in the defence sector but also created a conducive ecosystem for private sector participation, start-ups, and defence tech innovation. Iconic platforms such as the HAL Tejas fighter jet, Arjun Mk-1A tank, and Dhanush howitzers now symbolize India’s journey toward self-reliance. The Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP) has been streamlined, and procurement lists have been restructured to prioritize Indian vendors. In a significant break from the Congress era of dependency and delays, India under Modi is no longer just a defence importer, it is emerging as a defence exporter, with record defence exports exceeding ₹21,000 crore in 2023–24. This shift marks not just industrial revival, but strategic autonomy.

The BJP government also initiated structural and strategic reforms. The creation of the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), a demand pending for decades, was fulfilled. Border infrastructure roads, bridges, and tunnels witnessed unprecedented acceleration. The completion of the Atal Tunnel, pending since the Vajpayee era, is symbolic of this shift.

India’s strategic partnerships were recalibrated with clarity and maturity. Foundational defence agreements with the United States LEMOA, COMCASA, and BECA were signed. The QUAD grouping gained traction. India’s role in the Indo-Pacific expanded from observer to stakeholder.

Perhaps most importantly, the BJP reinstated dignity and trust in the armed forces. From increased pension reforms and disability benefits to a greater representation of military leadership in policy making, the forces were empowered, not politicised.

The contrast with Congress could not be more striking. Where the grand old party stalled, the BJP has acted. Where it feared controversy, the BJP has prioritised capability. Where it relied on diplomacy to mask weakness, the BJP has used diplomacy to amplify strength.

Criticism and scrutiny are necessary in a democracy. But no amount of political spin can erase the structural reality: India’s national security was repeatedly compromised under Congress rule. It has been revitalised under the BJP.

Operation Sindoor and India’s Strategic Posture

The recent Operation Sindoor marked a watershed moment in modern Indian military operations. Conceived as a multidimensional response to threats across land, sea, air, and cyberspace, the operation showcased India’s ability to pre-empt, neutralise, and dominate in a 21st-century conflict environment.

Two assets were central to the success of the operation: the Rafale fighter jets and the S-400 Triumf air defence systems. While Rafale jets carried out precision strikes and deep-penetration sorties with superior electronic warfare capabilities, the S-400 shield effectively neutralised potential aerial incursions and cruise missile threats. Together, they established integrated air dominance, a capability previously only demonstrated by major global powers.

More significantly, Operation Sindoor was not reactive; it was preemptive, calculated, and proportionate. It blended space-based ISR (intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance), cyber capabilities, and kinetic force in perfect harmony, a doctrine of deterrence that aligns with the demands of hybrid warfare.

The world took notice. International military observers, from Washington to Tel Aviv, acknowledged the precision, discipline, and technological sophistication with which India executed the operation. For a country that once hesitated to use air power beyond its borders, India has now emerged as a nation capable of full-spectrum, high-tempo military response.

India’s new defence architecture is no longer a paper doctrine, it is battle-tested, digitally integrated, and geopolitically respected.

India cannot afford to regress to the days of diplomatic hesitation and defence delays. The BJP has redefined the nation’s approach from reactive silence to strategic dominance. Operation Sindoor is not just a military success; it is the culmination of years of policy correction and political will.

In contrast, the Congress legacy in defence remains a cautionary tale, a reminder of what happens when national interest is sacrificed at the altar of ideology, corruption, or cowardice.

Today, India’s enemies take it seriously, because India, finally, takes its own security seriously.

Atmanirbharta offers multi-dimensional dividends. Strategically, domestic manufacturing strengthens operational readiness and insulates the forces from global supply shocks. Politically, it enhances India’s bargaining power and reduces vulnerability to sanctions or external pressure. Economically, a thriving defence industry creates high-skill jobs, supports MSMEs, stimulates R&D and contributes to national growth

For decades after Independence, India’s defence preparedness rested on a structural contradiction. The armed forces were large, professional and constantly engaged in safeguarding the nation, yet the technological backbone of this military strength was overwhelmingly foreign. Well into the mid-1990s, nearly 70 per cent of India’s defence equipment came from abroad—largely from the Soviet Union/Russia and supplemented by Israeli and Western suppliers. While this model delivered operational capability, it did not deliver strategic control. India repeatedly witnessed how external shocks could jeopardise its preparedness: the logistical constraints during the 1965 and 1971 wars, the challenges faced during Operation Vijay in Kargil and more recently the worldwide shortage of spares triggered by the Russia–Ukraine conflict. These episodes highlighted a hard truth—a nation relying heavily on foreign platforms can never achieve true strategic autonomy. Ammunition, upgrades and even basic maintenance could be delayed or denied when geopolitics took a turn.

Tougher security environment and the case for Atmanirbharta

India’s contemporary security environment has only amplified the urgency of self-reliance. China’s rapid military expansion along the northern borders and across the Indo-Pacific, Pakistan’s continued use of terrorism as statecraft and the rise of new conflict domains—cyber, space, electronic warfare and unmanned systems—have made assured access to advanced technologies indispensable. Global disruptions have underlined the risk of dependence. The wars in Ukraine and Gaza, the semiconductor shortages and sudden supply chain collapses all demonstrated that import-dependent militaries risk paralysis in crises. When sanctions or export controls are imposed, nations without indigenous capability lose critical time and flexibility. In this context, Atmanirbharta in defence has shifted from a policy choice to a national security necessity.

Political vision: From dependence to strategic autonomy

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has repeatedly framed self-reliance in defence as central to India’s emergence as a secure, confident and developed nation by 2047. His emphasis on India “attaining Atmanirbharta in defence and emerging as a global manufacturing hub” reflects a strategic shift—the desire not just to buy weapons, but to design, develop and sustain them indigenously. Highlighting successful operations such as Operation Sindoor, he has stressed that indigenous platforms, once validated in combat, strengthen deterrence, build national confidence and establish India as a dependable supplier. This is the transformation India seeks: from a buyer on foreign suppliers’ terms to a producer operating on its own strategic terms.

Legacy Bottlenecks: Slow procurement and a shallow industrial base

The move toward self-reliance began with confronting structural weaknesses. Before 2014, India’s procurement framework was often slow, fragmented and vulnerable to procedural delays. Critical needs remained unaddressed for years. At the same time, the dominance of defence PSUs, limited private participation and insufficient technology access prevented the growth of a broad industrial ecosystem. Defence exports, at only ₹686 crore in 2013–14, were negligible compared to India’s import bills. The imbalance between domestic capability and foreign dependence was stark—an unsustainable model for a nation aspiring for strategic autonomy.

Institutional overhaul

A major departure came with structural reforms. The creation of the Department of Military Affairs under the Chief of Defence Staff unified responsibility for modernisation, joint planning and procurement. For the first time, the three services—Army, Navy and Air Force—worked within an integrated decision framework. Simultaneously, the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) was strengthened to streamline approvals and prioritise indigenous options. This has significantly reduced the long-standing procedural inertia that earlier delayed acquisitions and created capability gaps.

Indian Army Bhairav Battalion

Budgetary support and clear domestic bias

Reforms were backed by financial commitment. The defence budget increased from ₹2.53 lakh crore in 2013–14 to nearly ₹6.81 lakh crore in 2025–26. Crucially, close to 75% of the capital procurement budget has been reserved for domestic industry in recent years. This predictable demand has encouraged both public and private sector companies to invest in new capacities, technologies and partnerships. It is this stable pipeline of orders that has catalysed India’s defence industrial transformation.

Production and export surge

India’s manufacturing capability has expanded dramatically. Indigenous defence production rose from ₹46,000 crore in 2014–15 to about ₹1.27 lakh crore in 2023–24, and further to nearly ₹1.50 lakh crore in 2024–25—a remarkable 174 per cent increase in a decade. Exports, too, have surged—from under ₹1,000 crore in 2013–14 to ₹21,083 crore in 2023–24, and to ₹23,622 crore in 2024–25. India now exports systems to more than 90 countries, including the US, France and Armenia. The government’s target of ₹3 lakh crore in production and ₹50,000 crore in exports by 2029 reflects confidence in this upward trajectory.

The policy architecture

These gains rest on a well-designed policy foundation. Make in India (2014) repositioned defence manufacturing as a core national priority, opening the sector to private companies, simplifying licensing and encouraging domestic value addition. The Defence Production and Export Promotion Policy (DPEPP) 2020 provided a clear roadmap—strengthening R&D, supporting MSMEs, incentivising innovation and promoting exports. Importantly, it shifted India from mere import substitution to the pursuit of technological leadership and global competitiveness.

Procurement reform

The Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP) 2020 revolutionised procurement logic by placing Buy (Indian-IDDM)—Indigenously Designed, Developed and Manufactured—at the top of all priority categories. Services must now first consider Indian-designed systems before foreign ones. Complementing this, the Defence Procurement Manual (DPM) 2025 modernised revenue procurement, standardising procedures and enabling faster, transparent acquisition. Together, these reforms created a unified procurement architecture aligned with operational readiness and Atmanirbharta.

Positive lists and import embargoes

A landmark reform has been the introduction of positive indigenisation lists. Since 2020, more than 400 major items and over 2,500 sub-systems have been placed under import embargo. These time-bound restrictions have created guaranteed demand for domestic companies and strengthened India’s industrial resilience by reducing foreign-dependency in essential equipment.

DRDO, DPSUs and the new public sector role

In parallel, public-sector reforms have reshaped India’s defence ecosystem. The DRDO has emerged as a catalyst, not just a developer, fostering industry–academia collaboration through the Technology Development Fund and Centres of Excellence. The restructuring of the Ordnance Factory Board into seven modern DPSUs has increased autonomy and accountability. These new entities have begun to report significant exports, demonstrating improved efficiency and competitiveness.

Private sector and MSMEs: Broadening the industrial base

One of the most profound shifts has been the rise of the private sector and MSMEs. With nearly 16,000 MSMEs feeding into defence supply chains, India is building a broad, resilient industrial base. Companies, large and small, are now active players in aerospace, drones, radars, armoured vehicles and electronics. Platforms such as SRIJAN and iDEX have opened doors for start-ups and innovators to enter defence production, generating indigenous solutions for complex military challenges. These reforms have expanded defence from a PSU-dominated sector to a dynamic, multi-player ecosystem.

Indigenous platforms: The expanding “Made in India” arsenal

The true measure of Atmanirbharta lies in the platforms now entering service:

• Dhanush and ATAGS artillery systems
• Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launche
• Akash and BrahMos missile systems
• LCA Tejas, ALH Dhruv and LCH Prachand
• Advanced destroyers, frigates, patrol vessels
• Indian-built submarine classes

The Defence Acquisition Council has further accelerated indigenisation by approving major acquisitions under Buy (Indian-IDDM), deepening supply chains and boosting confidence across industry.

Strategic payoffs: Autonomy, economy and diplomacy

Atmanirbharta offers multi-dimensional dividends. Strategically, domestic manufacturing strengthens operational readiness and insulates the forces from global supply shocks. Politically, it enhances India’s bargaining power and reduces vulnerability to sanctions or external pressure. Economically, a thriving defence industry creates high-skill jobs, supports MSMEs, stimulates R&D and contributes to national growth. Diplomatically, India’s ability to supply defence equipment—especially to the Global South—reinforces its role as a responsible, reliable security partner.

Despite major progress, India still faces capability gaps in:

• High-performance aircraft engines
• Advanced radar and EW systems
• Long-range ISR technologies

India’s R&D expenditure, at around 0.7 per cent of GDP, remains lower than major powers. Enhancing research, encouraging public-private partnerships and accepting calculated technological risk will be crucial. Additionally, global competitiveness requires improvements in quality, programme management, testing, certification and after-sales support.

Defence corridors and regional industrial hubs

India’s defence industrial geography is transforming. The Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu defence corridors, alongside aerospace and naval clusters in Karnataka, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Haryana, are emerging as powerful growth centres. These hubs have attracted thousands of crores in investment and are poised to unlock far greater industrial potential.

Completing the journey to the producer’s line

India’s defence transformation is reshaping its global strategic posture. The era of Indian delegations travelling abroad to negotiate for spares and technology is giving way to another—one in which other nations seek Indian-made systems, from radars and UAVs to missiles and naval vessels. Atmanirbhar Bharat is not isolationism. It represents confident integration with global supply chains while building domestic strength. If India continues expanding its technological base, bridging capability gaps and sustaining reforms, the next decade could see it achieve genuine strategic independence. The journey from buyer to producer’s line is well underway—and its successful culmination will define India’s security, autonomy and global influence in the twenty-first century.

The doctrine rests on three pillars:

• Deterrence through retaliation
• Persistent counter-terror operations
• Technological dominance in surveillance and defence

Security forces have intensified area domination exercises across Jammu & Kashmir and Punjab, strengthened intelligence grids, and improved coordination between central and state agencies. Civilian protection has become central, with better evacuation protocols, monitoring systems, and rapid-response teams.

Building the ‘Sudarshan Chakra’: India’s Defensive Shield

India is now developing a multi-layered defence system the “Sudarshan Chakra”, inspired by systems like Iron Dome.

This ambitious framework integrates:

• Advanced radar systems
• Missile interception technology
• Cyber defence networks
• Real-time threat detection

India’s existing Integrated Air Command and Control System already proved its worth during Operation Sindoor. The Sudarshan Chakra aims to expand this into a nationwide protective shield covering critical infrastructure, cities, and border zones.

Defence Modernisation: Weapons, Aircraft, and Missiles

India’s military strengthening has accelerated significantly:

Missile Systems

• Induction of BrahMos with enhanced range and precision
• Development of ballistic missile defence systems capable of intercepting incoming threats
• Air Power
• Deployment of Rafale fighter jets equipped with advanced weaponry
• Upgrades to Sukhoi Su-30MKI fleet for multi-role capabilities

Surveillance and Drones

• Expansion of UAV and drone-based intelligence systems
• Satellite integration for real-time battlefield awareness

Naval Strength

• Enhanced maritime surveillance to counter infiltration routes
• Strengthening of aircraft carrier capabilities and coastal defence

The Indian Army: Vigilance, Precision, Resolve

The Indian Army has remained at the forefront of this transformation. Post-Pahalgam:

• Counter-infiltration grids along the LoC have been intensified
• Night-vision, thermal imaging, and AI-based surveillance systems have been deployed
• Special forces operations have increased in frequency and precision

Regular joint exercises between the Army, Air Force, and Navy have improved interoperability, ensuring rapid, coordinated responses to any threat.