Jaibans Singh
The Arya Samaj movement and the communist movement stand out as two distinct yet influential forces that have profoundly affected the political, social, and cultural discourse of Punjab. The two philosophies have little in common, and yet, within their own spheres, they have shaped the political landscape of Punjab and left a lasting imprint on the state’s collective consciousness. Over the last few decades, the policies presented to the people by political parties to win elections have invariably factored the impact of these ideologies.
While the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has emerged as a dominant force in several parts of India, Punjab has remained a challenge unfulfilled. Historical perceptions and ideological undercurrents created by the Arya Samaj and communist traditions have contributed, in no small measure, to the problems faced by the BJP in expanding its political footprint in the state.
Punjab and the Arya Samaj Movement
The Arya Samaj, founded in 1875 in Bombay by Swami Dayanand Sarasvati, sought social reform within Hindu society. The core message was a return to the “pure” teachings of the Vedas.
The emphasis of the movement, on social activism, education, reform and a distinct cultural identity was instrumental in the shaping of political and ideological discourse during the heady days of the freedom struggle. The movement found a strong base in Punjab from the 1880s, mainly among the urban Hindu (trading and white-collared) classes.. A big factor for the popularity was the strong reaction to Christian missionary activity under British rule. Even icons like Saheed Bhagat Singh related with the movement.
While a Shuddhi (reconversion) movement was initiated by the Arya Samaj to bring back Hindus and Sikhs who had converted to Islam or Christianity, it looked upon Sikhism as a part of the broader Hindu tradition and, in fact, encouraged Hindus to join the Khalsa Panth.
However, the interpretation of Sikh Gurus through a Vedic lens was strongly rejected by Sikhs, who increasingly asserted a distinct religious identity.
Arya Samaj groups often promoted Hindi (Devanagari) which was looked upon by Sikhs as an opposition to Punjabi (Gurmukhi) which is the language of the Gurus and sacred to all Punjabis, especially the Sikhs.
Sensitivity to religious autonomy is deeply embedded among the Sikhs. The avoidable contradictions led to the advent of Singh Sabha as a competing reform movement of the Sikhs. It explicitly defined Sikhism as a separate religion. Sikh reformers took stern steps towards purification of Sikh practices.
Bridging the Perception Gap
In Punjab. The BJP continues to be looked upon as an organization that is historically linked with the Arya Samaj. There is always a lingering suspicion of assimilation narratives by the BJP that is exploited in the political arena by opposition parties. Sikh theologians worry about the interpretation of Sikhs as part of a larger Hindu fold. The credibility issues with the BJP became sharper due to the farmer’s agitation of 2020.
Undoubtedly, the BJP holds great veneration towards the Sikh Gurus and Sri Guru Granth Sahib. The Sikhs however feel that the veneration is a part of a larger game-plan to appropriate the Gurus and their legacy in a manner that would dilute the Sikh identity.
The BJP in Punjab, therefore, needs to work towards removing this wholly unfounded trust deficit. The fact that the BJP now functions on a broader nationalist ecosystem has to be conveyed to the Sikhs. It would require the use of information and intellectual tools to conduct extensive and open debate. As a bottom line, the veneration of the Sikh Gurus should translate into love and respect for the Sikhs in a manner that they stop feeling threatened.
Punjab and the Communist Movement
The people of Punjab have a natural tendency towards revolutionary thought. It was only natural then that the rise of communist ideology would find resonance in Punjab. In late 1960’s and early 1970’s, through peasant organisations, trade unions and ideological mobilisation, left wing elements created a considerable hold in Punjab, especially in the Malwa region. With time it translated into electoral strength. Their influence was particularly visible in shaping discourse on farmers’ rights, land reforms, labour welfare and resistance to perceived centralisation of power. The support came from intellectuals in the top rung and Dalits/marginalised farmers in the lower rung of society. A majority were Sikhs.
The CPI emerged as a significant opposition, winning between 5 to 10 seats in the Punjab Vidhan Sabha in several elections. The 1967 and 1969 elections marked the high point of left influence, when communist parties together secured around a dozen seats and played a role in coalition politics during a period of political instability. A towering figure in Punjab’s communist movement was Harkishan Singh Surjeet, a stalwart of the CPI(M) and a key national-level strategist.
However, before the movement could gain firm roots it was overtaken by the Jarnail Singh Bhindrawale wave that ushered a bigger menace of terrorism in the state. An attempt is constantly made to align the ideology of Bhindrawale with that of communism.
Over time the electoral strength of the communists declined. By the 1980’s and 1990’s, communist representation had reduced to a handful of seats. In recent decades, communist parties have failed to secure representation in the state assembly.
Despite their diminished electoral footprint, communist groups have not disappeared from Punjab’s socio-political landscape. Instead they have become a pressure group working as influencers.
Punjab continues to be viewed by left-leaning groups as a region with potential for political mobilization due to issues such as agrarian distress, unemployment, drug abuse, and widening economic disparities. These factors, combined with a tradition of protest politics, provide fertile ground for ideological contestation by the communist thought.
Communist presence remains visible in farmer unions, labour organisations, and academic spaces. Groups affiliated with left ideology have played active roles in the 2020–21 protests against farm laws.
Those with a communist bent of mind are invariably the darlings of the media; it is so in Punjab too. The communist element of Punjab, therefore, is frequently used by political parties to target the incumbent governments in the state as well as the center.
The BJP is a major punching bag in this ecosystem as was clearly visible during the farmer agitation where known communists were following the line of AAP, SAD and Congress and specifically targeting the BJP government in the center.
Meeting the Communist Challenge
In meeting the Communist challenge, the BJP needs to create a viable counter-narrative. The vibrant philosophy of BJP which makes it the largest party in the world and the strongest in India needs to be taken to the public domain to expose the negativity that is peddled by those holding a communist mindset.
The BJP should concentrate more on local issues dealing with economic empowerment, agricultural reforms, and cultural integration etc. instead of getting embroiled in ideological debates.
The biggest effort has to be directed towards removing the agrarian anxieties that are the bedrock of the communist narrative. It will be difficult and time consuming, but ultimately, the Punjab farmer has to be moved away from the debilitating dependence on MSP to alternative cash crops, supply-chain cold storage, and food processing industries. Generating jobs for the rural youth can pay handsome results.
Communist narratives also thrive on the aspiration of Punjab, especially the Sikh community to emerge as an independent nation. Historically, communist groups in Punjab stood firmly in favour of extremism and separatism. The BJP has to lay emphasis on the stability that the region enjoys by being a part of the largest democracy in the world and the respect that the whole of India nurtures towards Punjabis for their outstanding contribution to national development. The disruptive policy of the communists that remains contradictory to the state’s need for stability, investment, and development needs to be exposed.
The Information Challenge
The information challenge can be met by: –
- Creation of a massive data bank
- Deep research on the civilizational and historical aspects in Punjab and their seamless juxtaposing with contemporary political, social, economic and other issues
- Optimum conversion of the data and research into dynamic narratives and policies that are primarily Punjab centric but also in line with the larger party ideology.
- Aggressive dissemination to the people through a well-oiled information campaign using all formal and informal media tools in the print, audio-visual and digital domains.
The structure and tools for achieving the recommended end-state need to be created by the party at the state level. It would be pertinent to observe here that parties like the Congress and SAD already have huge data banks built over the long periods to being in power and updated in a timely manner. They also have in place a well-oiled policy for media outreach. AAP, being in power, is in a different league altogether.
Concluding Statement
The ideological narrative of the powerful elements discussed above cannot be fought from the top down. Building of strong grassroots and non-political networks with a distinct focus on welfare and development can constitute a viable platform for winning hearts and minds. Finally, there should be no hesitation in strongly challenging the opposition that leverages the above elements to weaken the party. Let the truth prevail.