Iqbal Singh Lalpura
NDRF Conducting Rescue Operations in Punjab
Punjab is a border state with Pakistan, sharing nearly 550 kilometres of boundary. Its history, geography, and sacrifices make it one of the most sensitive and strategic regions of India. But sadly, instead of harnessing this strength, successive state governments have built their politics on a fragile narrative of fear, doubt, and blame. The have continuously misled the people of Punjab to cover up their own weaknesses.
From 1947 to 2014, Punjab politics was dominated by two major players—Congress and Shiromani Akali Dal, with the support of smaller forces like Jan Sangh, later Bharatiya Janata Party, and the communists. Between 1920 and 1957, the Congress and Akali Dal often worked in tandem. But the Congress, instead of accommodating Sikh aspirations, divided the Akali leadership, pulling many into its own fold. To survive politically, Akali Dal had no choice but to project Congress as the villain responsible for all Sikh and Punjab-related grievances.
This narrative became stronger after the linguistic reorganization of 1966, when Punjab was again divided into Punjabi-speaking and non-Punjabi-speaking states. Though Akali Dal now had a real chance of forming governments in Punjab, they still required the support of other anti-Congress forces. Thus, an “anti-Centre” sentiment became their permanent political tool. Over decades, this approach polluted the minds of Punjabis, especially Sikhs, with the belief that every problem—whether agricultural, economic, or social—was due to the step-motherly attitude of the Central Government.
Punjab suffered through years of agitation—peaceful and violent—that destroyed law and order. Yet, real development and progress never became the agenda of the ruling class. Most chief ministers, cutting across party lines, faced allegations of corruption, commission, and mafia control over sand, liquor, and land. The general image of Punjab’s political leadership has rarely been above board. By 2014, Shiromani Akali Dal had lost the faith of the Sikh masses, and their space was taken by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). But instead of bringing a fresh vision, AAP too inherited the same political excuse – The Centre is responsible for all problems facing Punjab.
Floods are not new to Punjab. They have been a recurring tragedy for decades, yet they are repeatedly turned into a political weapon rather than a lesson for preparedness. In 1955, Punjab witnessed one of its first major floods after Independence, causing large-scale crop and property loss. In 1978, heavy rainfall and swollen rivers led to severe flooding in many districts. The flood of 1988 was the worst in living memory, with nearly 400 lives lost, thousands of villages submerged, and crops destroyed. The state was then under President’s Rule, and relief had to be managed with Central intervention. In 1993, 2010, and again in 2023, localised but destructive floods damaged infrastructure and agriculture. The present floods of 2025 have once again displaced thousands of families, affecting livelihoods on a large scale.
In the present crisis, the facts are undeniable. The Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister personally spoke to the Chief Minister of Punjab, assuring full help and support. The Union Agriculture Minister toured Punjab to assess the situation and coordinate relief measures. Central Government agencies, including disaster management teams of the National Disaster response Force (NDRF), Indian army and Border Security Force (BSF), were deployed on the ground to assist the state administration in rescue and relief. These are visible actions of a responsible Centre. Yet, instead of acknowledging this, the state leadership continued to play politics, blaming Delhi while failing to explain what it had done with the money already released for disaster preparedness.
The crucial question remains: where is the state government’s flood-preparedness? Why are embankments not repaired year after year? Why is disaster management money not accounted for? Why is every natural tragedy turned into a political weapon instead of a moment for joint action? Other states—Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, West Bengal, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, and Jammu & Kashmir—have faced equally devastating floods, with tragic losses of lives and property. Yet, their governments do not make floods an excuse to vilify the Central Government. They seek help, receive it, and work jointly with the Centre.
The reality in Punjab is stark. In recent months, the ruling party itself arrested one of its own MLAs on corruption charges. Allegations of mafia control over sand, liquor, and land continue, just as they did under earlier governments. Instead of focusing on governance, Punjab’s leadership is busy creating a political narrative of victimhood. Floods are a natural tragedy. They demand service, compassion, and united effort. This is the time to help every Punjabi who is suffering. But what Punjab needs more urgently is a shift in political narrative—from fear and doubt to peace, prosperity, and cooperation with the Centre.
Sikhs are honourable citizens of India. They are safe, respected, and progressing in every field—business, defence, administration, science, and politics. False propaganda that weakens Punjab and alienates Sikhs from the national mainstream must stop. Punjab deserves better. It deserves good governance, free from corruption and excuses. It deserves leadership that produces results instead of blaming others after disaster strikes. It deserves politics that heals wounds rather than creating divisions.
The people of Punjab have sacrificed too much—through partition, through militancy, and through repeated betrayal by their own leaders. It is time to end the politics of fear and doubt. It is time to reclaim the spirit of courage, prosperity, and honour that has always defined Punjab.
(The author is former Chairman, National Commission for Minorities, Govt. of India. 9780003333)